Narendra Modi’s “strong leader” brand is a significant aspect of his mass appeal. The Opposition’s bid to weave a “weak government” narrative around Modi 3.0 is aimed at undermining that image. But coalition or minority government and strong leadership are not mutually exclusive, as the past three decades have shown.
Just how hamstrung is the PM in the latest iteration of the NDA government? The cancellation of lateral entry recruitment for high-level government posts, the rollout of the Unified Pension Scheme, the referral of the Waqf Bill to a Joint Parliamentary Committee, and the withdrawal of the Broadcasting Services Bill are seen as signs of a government unsure of itself. Likewise, the special package for Bihar and Andhra Pradesh in the Union Budget is perceived as kowtowing to its principal allies, the TDP and JD(U).
Right off the bat, the PM had signalled that he would not dilute his approach to economic, administrative and social reform. Modi 3.0, he said, would see “big decisions”. He reaffirmed his commitment to a Uniform (“secular”) Civil Code, and to the flagship schemes of his government. He refused to back down on the Agnipath Scheme for short-term service in the Indian Armed Forces, and slammed the Opposition for demanding a rollback.
In terms of big decisions, coalition governments have taken some of the biggest. Economic liberalisation was ushered in by PV Narasimha Rao’s minority government. The transformative Information Technology Act of 2000, the disinvestment of loss-making PSUs, and the Fiscal Responsibility Act owed to Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s coalition government, while the Manmohan Singh-led UPA brought in a slew of game-changing measures such as MNREGA, Right to Information, deregulation of fuel prices and the Forest Rights Act.
The Modi government has already rolled out two “big decisions”, the first being the internship programme intended to address one of the major factors that fuelled anti-incumbency in the 2024 election: youth unemployment. It aims to offer 3 million interns on-the-job training along with financial support. While the success of the scheme hinges on the willingness of companies to participate, it offers hope to millions of aspirants.
The second is UPS, a halfway house between the new and old pension schemes (NPS and OPS) in that it continues the contributory scheme while guaranteeing a basic pension. These two decisions took the wind out of the Congress promises of “pehli naukri pakki” (first job guaranteed) and restoring the OPS. Both were politically savvy moves, taken with an eye on impending assembly elections.
The accord between Modi and his chief ally, TDP chief and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu, on key issues augurs well for political stability. The latter is known to share Modi’s global outlook, and his “Vision 2047” document is very much in sync with “Viksit Bharat”. The two speak the same language. For instance, Naidu talks of turning Andhra into a “$2 trillion economy”, promoting green energy and harnessing digital technology. As far back as the 2000s, when the TDP was part of Vajpayee’s NDA, he had made strenuous efforts to attract investment to India. This convergence of views creates scope for Modi’s reform agenda.
The Centre’s U-turn on lateral entry indicates the PM’s willingness to accommodate the interests and views of regional allies. Prima facie, lateral entry was an administrative and not a politically sensitive announcement that called for a consultation with allies. But the JD(U) and LJP voiced fears that the Opposition’s spin doctors would present lateral entry as a means of subverting OBC and SC/ST quotas. With the TDP very much on board, Modi didn’t have to back down — he chose to.
On legislation, too, Modi has realised the need for a consensus-building approach. The government has to be more cautious than of yore, but within and outside the BJP it is felt that wide-ranging consultations with stakeholders before tabling a Bill is a positive step. The JPC examining the proposed Waqf Bill has 31 members across the board, who will sign off on the final version of the law.
As for foreign policy, the PM’s extensive overseas tours have signalled that there would be no substantive change. India will continue to pursue strategic autonomy, multi-alignment, neighbourhood first and the war on terrorism, and will pursue trade agreements and investment policies geared to achieving India’s economic goals.
On the domestic front, too, there is a consensus on transforming India economically by making it a global manufacturing hub. The infrastructure and logistics push (Gati Shakti), the Semi-Conductor, Quantum and Green energy Missions, space sector reforms and public funding of private sector research are accepted as critical to India’s progress, as are the on-going social welfare schemes.
The attendant necessity of reforming land and labour markets is likely to face road bumps from within and without, and that is where Modi will have to stand firm on national priorities. So far, the allies are on board and there is no indication that they intend to act like a supra-Cabinet. It can even be argued that the special focus on Bihar and Andhra is an outcome of competitive federalism. Modi has elected to follow coalition dharma, but that doesn’t mean the government is weak.
Bhavdeep Kang is a senior journalist with 35 years of experience in working with major newspapers and magazines. She is now an independent writer and author
